Denver Water's Lead Pipe Variance: The Past, Present, and Future of Water Justice in Denver's Aging Infrastructure
Evan Weis • March 6, 2022

“Removing lead at its source by removing lead service lines may be the heart of the program, but communication, outreach and education is the foundation on which it is all built[.]”

– Meg Trubee, Communications, Outreach, and Education Manager for Denver Water's LRPP.

Colorado is known for its clear blue mountain lakes, as popularized by the late John Denver in his song “Rocky Mountain High.” People come to Colorado every year to hike up to Bear Lake and see the towering snow caps slowly trickle down into the perfect blue lake, or to drink from one of the many small high-elevation seasonal lakes that are as clear as glass and seemingly more of a mirror than a body of water.  Yet, on their journey to the pristine Rocky Mountain National Park, tourists first fly into Denver International Airport and drive down I-70 through Denver and South Adams County.  There, our tourists pass hundreds of thousands of homes with municipal infrastructure delivering that same pure Colorado mountain water, only by now, it is potentially contaminated by a widely known poison – lead. 


Denver Water’s Lead and Copper Rule Variance

Denver Water–the municipal water provider for the greater Denver Metropolitan Area–applied for a variance from the Environmental Protection Agency's (EPA) Lead and Copper Rule (LCR).  The variance received approval on December 16, 2019.  As a result, rather than engaging in Optimal Corrosion Control Treatment (OCCT) by treating water with orthophosphates (which reduces the likelihood of lead contamination by 90%), Denver Water is conducting lead service line replacements.  This means replacing any lead pipes, or pipes made of copper and lead solder, with safer materials such as steel for water delivery. This project has been in progress for three years, and with more than 4,600 pipes already replaced and another decade left in the program, Denver Water’s progress has been remarkable. 


As a part of the variance, Denver Water launched an initiative to focus on historically underserved neighborhoods, usually communities of color.  It should be noted that Denver, along with a majority of the U.S., has a long history of environmental racism.  The city has a strong history of redlining neighborhoods of color.  Redlining is a practice in which loans were systematically denied to residents of ‘redlined’ neighborhoods on the basis of perceived risk.  The Homeowner’s Loan Corporation (HOLC), established by the federal government in 1933, created the redlining system.  It advised which neighborhoods lenders should invest money into through loans for homebuyers or owners. The HOLC designated neighborhoods by risk level, a coded way of evaluating neighborhoods by racial and ethnic make-up.  The absence of community investment accompanied practices denying residents of those neighborhoods access to other neighborhoods considered ‘safer’ for investment, otherwise known as ‘greenlined’ spaces.  Redlining is well known as a federal system of segregation, which many U.S. cities still experience the ramifications of to this day. 


Addressing Injustice Through Water Infrastructure

Groundwork U.S.A. is an organization committed to education and action around environmental justice by better preparing communities to weather the impacts of climate change.  Denver is one of the cities with which the organization works, and in doing so, Groundwork Denver created a detailed redlining map of the city.  Denver’s history of redlining translates to low-income communities and communities of color living in neighborhoods with disproportionate environmental dangers.  These dangers range from living closest to polluting factories, living on land contaminated with chemicals from mustard gas manufacturing, and living in built environments not equipped with infrastructure to handle the effects of climate change.


Denver Water’s variance sets out in part to address the disproportionate impacts these communities face.  Though Denver Water must replace all lead service lines in their entire area of service, they are prioritizing construction in historically underserved neighborhoods first.  For instance, parts of Baker, Barnum, City Park, Whittier, Cole, and Clayton have all been partially, if not fully, completed.  The neighborhoods of Elyria Swansea and Globeville are undergoing (or will soon undergo) Lead Service Line Replacements (LSLR) as well.  Together, these are all neighborhoods that Groundwork Denver has identified as historically redlined and at risk for compounding health issues due to the mixture of climate change and environmental racism.  Though those neighborhoods are still experiencing other forms of environmental racism such as hostile built environments, Denver Water is doing what is within its power to reduce and remove lead risk to those neighborhoods.  This is a first step in the right direction towards addressing such environmental injustice. 


Another important way that Denver Water is leading the Environmental Justice front is by engaging in ‘Full LSLR.’  This makes Denver one of only a few cities in the country to undergo this process.  Water service lines are made up of two parts.  The first is the public service line that runs under the street and is maintained by the utility.  The second part is the privately owned portion of the line which connects an individual house to the public service line. 


Traditionally, cities or utilities that set out to conduct lead service line replacements would engage in ‘Partial LSLR.’  Though they would replace the public portion of the water service line, it would be up to the individual owner of a property to replace the private portion.  These are far more common because the Federal Lead and Copper Rule–the governing legislation regarding lead pipes first promulgated in 1991–only requires partial LSLR.  Though this may seem like progress, even if it is not ideal, the reality is that partial LSLRs are often more dangerous than leaving both portions of the line alone.  Lead service line replacement construction often disturbs the private portion of the line, and such agitation significantly increases the risk of the pipes shedding lead into water.  Had the construction never taken place, the pipe would not have been agitated. 


Partial LSLR frequently negatively impacts communities of color and low-income communities the most.  This process can be quite expensive, putting a larger burden on these communities.  Furthermore, communities of color and low-income communities are far more likely to be renters.  This means that they do not have the ability to hire a private contractor if their landlord refuses to pay for the private replacement, let alone be able to pay for it themselves.  If an individual is a homeowner, those in underserved communities are still far less likely to have the resources to pay a private contractor.  In total, partial LSLRs impact underserved communities far more disproportionately than their more affluent neighbors and are simply an inequitable solution. 


Full LSLR programs abate these issues.  As opposed to ‘Partial LSLR’, ‘Full LSLR’ involves a utility company replacing both the private and public portions of the utility line.  When a utility company such as Denver Water sets out to replace all lead service lines in their service area–including the private portions of the line–the utility circumvents inequitable distribution of line replacements.  It ensures that no matter socio-economic status, all customers of the utility company will have access to clean water after the replacement.  Denver Water’s variance, granting a fifteen year period to replace 64,000–84,000 lead service lines in its service area, is the second biggest full LSLR to date.  Detroit, Michigan is the only service area with a larger LSLR goal, with a plan currently in development for 125,000 lines replaced.  The implications of Denver Water’s variance are significant and should set an example for cities around the country. 


The Pitcher-Filter Program

In the meantime, for those households who have lead service lines and must wait longer to have their service lines replaced, the city is providing pitcher filters with six-month replacement filters.  The filters are of a quality high enough to filter out lead and are meant to mitigate any potential lead-poisoning as the fifteen-year LSLR is implemented. 


Through four quarterly reports published in 2020, Denver Water addressed the effectiveness of the filter program along with issues associated with distribution.  The Lead Reduction Program (LRP) Quarterly Report for Q1 2020 only polled 3,635 households.  However, polling ramped up dramatically in the second quarter, with 88,064 households polled.  This quarter represents the significant majority of households, with numbers falling in Q3 and Q4.  Consistently through each quarter, Denver Water found that around 1% of filters distributed to households were returned.  Though there are a variety of explanations for such returns (such as empty units or incorrect addresses), any return whatsoever still presents a significant problem for Denver Water.  What this means is that households who are at risk of lead poisoning are not getting the protection they need.  On the whole, however, the distribution program has been a success.  In the second quarter, there were 1,689 filters returned to Denver Water.  Out of the 88,064 filters distributed, this is something that Denver Water should be proud of. 


Major pillars of environmental justice are the values of community input, outreach, and education.  As a part of the variance, Denver Water is conducting outreach plans to accompany the distribution of filters.  Informational booklets were distributed to every house that received a filter or has been identified as a lead risk.  Two public comment periods opened Denver Water up to feedback and criticism of the plan.  Notably, Denver Water also engaged in grassroots outreach.  According to the Q1 2020 report, Denver Water “[u]tilized the LRP prioritization model to identify tiered priorities for neighborhood, community, and business outreach, which includes a visual presentation to provide an overview of the program with neighborhood specific information….”  Globeville, for example, was identified as the first target of grassroots community outreach. 


The COVID-19 pandemic has made grassroots community outreach difficult.  Presentations were cancelled due to quarantine requirements, and grassroots efforts (originally planned for in-person) were cut short or never implemented.  The pandemic has also made data-collection difficult.  The Q1 2020 report set out to collect data on the efficacy of the filter program.  Samples had to be collected by going in-person to residences.  From the beginning of these studies, Denver Water found that nine of twenty-six polled households had not opened or assembled their filter kits.  Two distributed filters resulted in positive lead tests.  Despite the urgency, the study closed before completion due to the impossibility of in-house visits during the height of the pandemic. 


As restrictions begin to lift, we will likely see more data come out about the effectiveness of the filter program.  As Denver Water more accurately identifies the strengths and weaknesses of the program, there may be renewed efforts towards filter education and outreach.  To do so, Denver Water could consider additional filtering while LSLR is ongoing, as well as other solutions that have not yet been brought to the table.  It is encouraging that over the next twelve or so years, Denver Water will continue to conduct full LSLR in households throughout its entire service area.  The variance only mandated quarterly reports through 2020, which has led to Denver Water releasing reports on a semi-annual basis thereafter.  Nonetheless, the success of the LRP could mean an increase in consumer protection from lead around the country.  All eyes will be on Denver Water and its focus on environmental justice as a driving force of the program, setting a positive precedent for other municipalities to follow. 

SOURCES


Community and Utility Efforts to Replace Lead Service Lines, Envtl. Def. Fund Health, (Nov. 20, 2020), https://www.edf.org/health/recognizing-community-efforts-replace-lsl.


Denver Water, Denver Water Lead Reduction Program Quarterly Report – Q1 2020, (Apr. 10, 2020), https://www.denverwater.org/sites/default/files/lead-reduction-program-quarterly-report-q1-2020.pdf.


Denver Water, Executive Summary of the Lead Reduction Program Plan, (Sept. 2019), https://www.epa.gov/dwreginfo/optimal-corrosion-control-treatment-evaluation-technical-recommendations.


EPA Office of Water, Drinking Water Requirements for States and Public Water Systems: Lead and Copper Rule, Drinking Water Rules (Mar. 31, 2021), https://www.epa.gov/dwreginfo/lead-and-copper-rule#rule-summary.


EPA Office of Water, Optimal Corrosion Control Treatment Evaluation Technical Recommendations, Drinking Water Rules (Mar. 31, 2021), https://www.epa.gov/dwreginfo/optimal-corrosion-control-treatment-evaluation-technical-recommendations.


Groundwork Denver, Climate Safe Neighborhoods, https://gwmke.maps.arcgis.com/apps/Cascade/index.html?appid=3661f4dbe77e45c9951b4879c7401986 (last visited Nov. 20, 2021).


Joe Salas, Removing barriers to talking about the Lead Reduction Program, Denver Water: TAP Home (Sept. 10, 2020), https://www.denverwater.org/tap/removing-barriers-to-talking-about-the-lead-reduction-program (quoting Meg Trubee, communications, outreach, and education manager for Denver Water’s LRPP).


Pandit, Tilak, Old, toxic, rusty, lead pipes on construction site, Dreamstime, https://www.dreamstime.com/old-toxic-rusty-lead-pipes-construction-site-image233903159 (last visited Mar. 1, 2022).


Tom Neltner, A closer look at the environmental justice implications of EPA’s proposed lead in water rule, Envtl. Def. Fund Health, (Feb. 4, 2020), http://blogs.edf.org/health/2020/02/04/a-closer-look-environmental-justice-implications-of-epas-proposed-lcr/#_ftn4.

By Lexi Kay LeCroy April 25, 2026
Benjamin Franklin once said, “When the well is dry, we’ll know the worth of water.” Unsurprisingly, the precious resource he acknowledged is the same one that people fought and died over. While violent disputes used to provide the typical means to acquire water rights, states since then regulated water ownership in a manner suitable to their geographical location and purposes. Texas and Colorado take their own respective approaches to statutory regulations, particularly when focusing on aquifers. This article compares how Texas Groundwater Conservation Districts and Colorado Ground Water Management Districts regulate aquifer mining and depletion. Both states base their controlling schemes over water rights on the legal principle of “first in time, first in right.” However, Colorado assumed the Prior Appropriation Doctrine, Texas took on a hybrid version—the Rule of Capture. The Texas Legislature refining regulatory bodies governed mainly by said separate entities created by the state legislature supersedes the Rule of Capture. The Rule of Capture’s remnants remain in some of the current governing rules in Texas. Meanwhile, Colorado remains steadfast in its application of Prior Appropriation. Despite having different approaches, Texas and Colorado both created Groundwater Conservation Districts to manage areas statewide with little to no water. This blog focuses specifically on those districts and the statutory foundations upon which they rest. Regardless of the statewide structure governing water rights, both states share similar policy goals. In the face of environmental concerns, such as subsidence and the resulting evolving geological areas, both Texas and Colorado must address the ever-growing need for more water, both in and out of aquifers. I. State Approaches to Aquifer Regulation And Well Spacing A. Texas Groundwater Conservation Districts After the U.S. Constitution and federal laws, the Texas Legislature holds the ultimate authority to enact laws governing water rights and management. It delegates specific powers to state agencies and local entities to implement and enforce the Texas Water Code through the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality (TCEQ). The genuine “boots on the ground” enforcers specific to groundwater management are Groundwater Conservation Districts (GCDs). Texas granted GCDs the authority to regulate well spacing and groundwater production. Statutorily, these GCDs remain the state’s preferred method of groundwater management to preserve property rights across Texas while balancing conservation and development concerns; however, the state not always prioritizes considerations of conservation and development. Historically, Texas followed the Rule of Capture, which allows a landowner to pump water from beneath his or her property, even at the expense of his or her neighbor. The rule established in 1904 by the Texas Supreme Court in Houston & T.C. Ry. V. East, which held that a landowner had no legal remedy against a railroad company that had moved next door and drilled a larger well, causing the landowner’s well to go dry. The court’s simple solution for the landowner: drill a bigger, deeper well than the railroad. Over time, establishing GCDs addressed specific policy concerns and granted regulatory authority over groundwater. To simplify, Texas state law sets the framework; TCEQ rules govern broad permits and quality; and the GCDs manage groundwater production, depletion, and protection. It is interesting to note that, under Texas law, tributary groundwater is not defined separately from non-tributary groundwater. Instead, the statute creates two primary categories of water: surface water and groundwater. The primary focus centers more on each GCD’s ability to adopt rules suitable for each aquifer, subdivision of an aquifer, or geographic area overlying aquifer boundaries. This can account for the unique characteristics of each aquifer, especially when considering the varying climates across the state, as well as to categorize the aquifer’s physical attributes—i.e., what Colorado distinguishes as tributary or non-tributary. GCDs combine the physical characteristics of an aquifer with defining the “ best available science ” to combat issues that may arise. This boils down to utilizing “conclusions that are logically and reasonably derived using statistical or quantitative data, techniques, analyses, and studies that are publicly available to reviewing scientists and can be employed to address a specific question.” The relevant question that arises from this statutory line of thinking is this: Is the reliance on scientific methods too exclusionary of relevant human interests? There seems to be a fine line. While science remains a strong method for determining relevant environmental concerns, it is not always kind to the economic and personal interests of smaller parties, such as farmers and ranchers living in rural areas. B. Colorado Ground Water Management Districts As the state that first developed and implemented the Prior Appropriation Doctrine, Colorado remains known for its water courts and precedent governing all rights to water. The Prior Appropriation system dictates that appropriation occurs when someone removes water from a water source and then puts it to a beneficial use. The first person to take the water and put it to a beneficial use gains priority over subsequent appropriators, and once receiving a court decree verifying status, becomes a senior water right owner relative to subsequent appropriators. Senior owners’ priority over junior water right owners, with the underlying expectation that senior owners’ “call” for water fulfills before any other water owners. Notably, the Colorado Ground Water Management Act of 1965 (GMA) modified said Prior Appropriation system to prevent unreasonable aquifer depletion on Colorado’s Eastern Plains, where notably less water connects to surface streams. The GMA established the Colorado Ground Water Commission (GWC), which governs the Ground Water Management Districts (GWMDs). Both entities have jurisdiction over designated groundwater , which is statutorily distinct from tributary groundwater. Designated groundwater encompasses water located within designated basins that either (1) would not feed into decreed surface water rights, or (2) is in areas lacking a constant natural stream where groundwater serves as the primary water source for at least 15 years prior to the basin’s designation. Essentially, this boils down to water that provides a de minimus impact on surface streams. The GWC holds the authority to adjudicate designated groundwater rights only, as well as issue large capacity well permits. In contrast, the GWMDs represent local districts wherein there is more administrative power within their designated boundaries. GWMDs retain authority to regulate the use, control, and conservation of groundwater within their boundaries. GWMDs can adopt controls and regulations to minimize the lowering of the water table, subject to review and approval by the GWC. If anything, this specific governance over designated groundwater provides a balance of economic development with aquifer sustainability. II. Regulatory Mechanisms to Handle Drawdown & Depletion A. Texas Texas GCDs intend to regulate groundwater production to minimize aquifer drawdown, prevent subsidence, and protect water quality. To do this, GCDs can adopt rules to regulate well spacing to prevent well-to-well interference and reduce the depletion risk. GCDs can also limit groundwater production based on acreage and impose production limits to ensure sustainable aquifer use. GCDs consider a multitude of factors when implementing rules specific to drawdown and depletion regulation, including, but not limited to, hydrological conditions, recharge rates, and socioeconomic impacts, when estimating desired future conditions for aquifers. Further, Texas Water Code Chapter 36 grants GCDs discretion to regulate groundwater production to preserve historic or existing uses. The main workhorse provision for dealing with well-to-well interference and localized depletion focuses on district regulation of well spacing and production to prevent waste and the protection of groundwater reservoirs. Many GCD rules base production limits on acreage or tract size and impose minimum spacing between wells to reduce interference between cones of depression and avoid unreasonable impacts on existing wells. At the same time, other statutory requirements require most non-exempt wells to obtain permits, and districts must evaluate those well applications against their management plans and the regional “ desired future conditions .” Those desired future conditions essentially act as a statutory cap on how much depletion is acceptable in a particular aquifer. These implementations layer over the Rule of Capture, as well as case law, which push districts to balance their state-mandated code with potential takings claims when they limit pumping too aggressively. B. Colorado Colorado GWMDs, on the other hand, govern designated groundwater, and the aquifers they govern are already facing long-term depletion. Instead of the pure conservation mandate that Texas possesses, Colorado’s statutes primarily focus on preventing “unreasonable injury” or “material injury” to existing water rights, as laid out in specific well-permitting provisions. The Colorado Supreme Court previously interpreted these statutes to mean that prior appropriators are not entitled to a “frozen” water table; i.e., that some drawdown is statutorily allowed so long as it does not unreasonably impair earlier wells. Colorado’s permitting rules directly tie into well-to-well interference and aquifer mining. The GWC has to decide whether unappropriated groundwater is available and whether a proposed well will cause material injury to vested rights. It can deny or limit permits with conditions to follow if those standards are not met. In some situations, Colorado law requires augmentation or replacement plans, which provide means to replace depletions to avoid injury. Unlike Texas’s future conditions consideration, Colorado does not always aim to meet a specific target of drawdown; instead, the “unreasonable injury” and “material injury” language function as a legal limit for how much aquifer decline is tolerated within a designated basin. II. Challenges & Policy Considerations A. Comparison of the Challenges Each State Faces One of the biggest challenges that Texas must consider is that its framework sits on top of the old Rule of Capture background, while also telling GCDs that they are supposed to conserve and protect the water that landowners think they own. The Texas Water Code recognized that landowners have “ ownership of groundwater in place .” It then clarifies how that ownership is defined by stating that it is subject to “ regulation under this chapter and under the rules adopted by a district.” At the same time, another section lays out what seems like an ambitious policy: districts must provide for “the conservation, preservation, protection, recharging, and prevention of waste of groundwater and of groundwater reservoirs or their subdivisions, and to control subsidence caused by withdrawal of groundwater.” In other words, GCDs essentially respect private property rights but also keep aquifers from being mined and the land from sinking, which is a bit of a tightrope. Texas courts also added pressure by recognizing takings-like claims in groundwater regulation. The Texas Supreme Court previously acknowledged in Edwards Aquifer Authority v. Day that landowners possess a constitutionally protected interest in groundwater in place, and district regulations that go “too far” could potentially be held responsible for providing compensation. This could reasonably make a district nervous about utilizing the full extent of its statutory powers under provisions governing spacing and production, or even permitting, to really clamp down on drawdown and depletion. Thus, a district might actually be squeezed from three directions at once: landowners invoking precedent, regional desired future conditions that say “you can’t pump that much,” and a statutory conservation and subsidence mandate that doesn’t really create a clear safe harbor. It is not shocking that implementation looks uneven from district to district. Colorado’s challenges look a little different because the foundational system is Prior Appropriation, but many of the practical roadblocks are similar. The Colorado GMA creates the category of “designated groundwater” and puts it under the jurisdiction of the Colorado GWC and local GWMDs. While considering the plain language of the statute seems clarifying, in reality, figuring out what is designated versus tributary, and how much connection there is to streams, can be complicated and politically touchy. Additionally, the GMA assumes that some level of aquifer mining will occur and then tries to keep it within tolerable bounds, which, in theory, is logical. The GWC is supposed to issue large capacity well permits only when there is unappropriated groundwater and when existing rights won’t suffer substantial injury. As noted in Jaegar v. Colorado Ground Water Commission, the Colorado Supreme Court made it clear that prior appropriators in designated basins do not guarantee that the water table will stay where it was when they drilled; rather, the GMA protects from unjustified impairment. This gives the GWC and the local districts some flexibility, but also means that they must make controversial judgment calls about how much decline is too much. The Colorado Supreme Court also stressed that the GWC must weigh economic development and beneficial use against aquifer conditions when deciding whether additional wells are compatible with statutory standards. Thus, it seems that Colorado regulators constantly balance the statutory foundation of Prior Appropriation against the explicit decision in the GMA to allow planned depletion. B. Takeaways Each State Could Learn from The Other One obvious notion that Colorado might learn from Texas is how to be more explicit about conservation and subsidence in the text of the statutes. Texas regulations remain quite blunt in stating that GCDs exist to conserve and preserve groundwater, recharge aquifers, prevent waste, and “ control subsidence caused by withdrawal of groundwater.” That clear-cut statement of policy gives Texas districts a straightforward rule when they adopt strict spacing or production limits or when they justify denying permits. While Colorado’s designated-basin provisions in Title 37 speak about “beneficial use” and “material injury,” those provisions are less direct about long-term conservation goals. As climate change and long-term declines start to intensify, Colorado might benefit from adding a more modern conservation and aquifer-protection policy section. Colorado could also look at Texas’s “desired future conditions” approach as a model for more explicit basin-wide planning. Texas code requires districts within a specific GCD area to adopt said conditions for each relevant aquifer, and then the Texas governing authority uses those estimated future standards to create modeled available groundwater values that effectively set a ceiling on permissible pumping. This process forces a collective conversation about how much drawdown is acceptable by a given year, which is quite necessary when considering juggling economic and environmental interests along with consumptive and domestic uses. Colorado’s GWC and GWMDs already retain their own authority to adopt basin rules, but there is less emphasis on calculating a specific future condition for the aquifer. Borrowing a concept such as a “designated basin future condition” could give stakeholders in Colorado a clearer sense of how the law is trying to guide long-term aquifer conditions, rather than leaving that mostly implicit in GWC decisions. On the flip side, Texas might take a page from Colorado’s more candid treatment of aquifer mining and the concept of “unreasonable injury” in designated basins. The GMA basically admits that some aquifers will draw down over time, but insists that the drawdown managed so existing appropriators are not unreasonably or materially injured. Case law reinforces the idea that regulators should determine what decline is manageable and consistent with statutory standards, and then enforce that line. Texas’s “desired future conditions” framework does something similar in practice, but the statutory text is not strong enough to fully meet this bar. While some Texas code discusses conservation and planning, primary pieces of the code do not squarely address that, in some places, the political choice might be to allow a controlled mining of the aquifer to support agriculture or municipal growth for a limited time. Adding clearer verbiage about when and how planned depletion is allowed may make the entirety of the Texas Water Code more honest and, arguably, easier to defend in court. Texas could also learn from Colorado’s more formal standard for material injury to protect existing users. In designated basins, the Colorado GWC must deny or issue conditional permits if doing so would cause material injury to vested water right owners. Texas districts certainly mention protecting “historic use” and preventing waste, and are supposed to consider socio-economic impacts and aquifer conditions when setting “desired future conditions,” but the code does not provide explicit parameters for when the changes to an existing well are deemed unacceptable. Taking a more explicit, “no unreasonable impairment of existing wells” standard and embedding it in the Texas code could help districts justify tougher decisions to cut permitted amounts or deny new wells in already lowered or stressed areas. III. Conclusion Texas and Colorado carved out their own statutory paths to address aquifer mining, depletion, and drawdown that reflects each state’s distinct legal traditions and environmental considerations. Texas relies on locally driven GCDs, guided by somewhat vague, broad conservation and subsidence control goals. Colorado’s GWMDs, created under the GMA, establishes a regime for designated groundwater, setting acceptable limits on aquifer decline through the Prior Appropriation standard. Both systems illustrate the difficulty of using law to ration a finite renewable resource. Overall, these systems suggest that future statutory refinements should focus on sharpening planning goals by integrating climate considerations and creating clearer statutory standards through updated terminology for the tolerable level of drawdown to support economic development and water-supply reliability. SOURCES Tex. Const., Art. XVI, § 59(a). Tex. Water Code § 5.013. Tex. Water Code § 36.116; see also Tex. Water Code § 36.101. Houston & T.C. Ry. v. East, 81 S.W.279, 280 (Tex. 1904). Id. Tex. Water Code § 36.001. See § 36.116. Colo. Rev. Stat. § 37-90-103. Tex. Water Code § 36.0015(a). Id. Water Rights, Colo. Div. of Water Rights, https://dwr.colorado.gov/services/water-administration/water-rights . Colo. Rev. Stat. § 37-90-101; see also Jaeger v. Colo. Ground Water Com., 746 P.2d 515, 520, 523 (Colo. 1987). Colo. Rev. Stat. § 37-90-103. Colo. Ground Water Comm’n, Colo. Div. of Water Rights, https://dwr.colorado.gov/public-information/boards-and- commissions#:~:text=Colorado%20Ground%20Water%20Commission%20(CGWC,(Division% 20of%20Water%20Resources). Colo. Rev. Stat. § 37-90-130. Colo. Rev. Stat. § 37-90-131. Colo. Rev. Stat. § 37-90-111; see generally Front Range Res., LLC v. Colo. Ground Water Comm’n, 415 P.3d 807, 811 (Colo. 2018). Tex. Water Code § 36.0015(a). § 36.116; see also Tex. Special Dist. Loc. L. Code § 8887.103. Tex. Water Code § 36.108. § 36.116. Id.; see also Tex. Water Code § 36.101. Id. See Tex. Water Code § 36.1132; Tex. Water Code § 36.1071; Tex. Water Code § 36.108. § 36.108. See generally Edwards Aquifer Auth. v. Day, 369 S.W.3d 814, 832-33 (Tex. 2012). Colo. Rev. Stat. § 37-90-137. Jaeger, 746 P.2d at 520, 523. Colo. Rev. Stat. § 37-90-137. Colo. Rev. Stat. § 37-90-103(12.7); Colo. Rev. Stat. § 37-92-305. § 37-90-137. Tex. Water Code § 36.002. Id. Tex. Water Code § 36.0015. See Edwards Aquifer Auth., 369 S.W.3d at 832-833. Tex. Water Code § 36.116; Tex. Water Code § 36.113. Colo. Rev. Stat. § 37-90-103. Colo. Rev. Stat. § 37-90-137. See Jaeger, 746 P.2d at 520, 523. See id. See Front Range Res., LLC, 415 P.3d at 811-12. Tex. Water Code § 36.116. See id.; see also https://dwr.colorado.gov/public-information/boards-and- commissions#:~:text=Colorado%20Ground%20Water%20Commission%20(CGWC,(Division% 20of%20Water%20Resources). See Colo. Rev. Stat. § 37-90-137. See Tex. Water Code § 36.108. Id. Colo. Rev. Stat. § 37-90-131. Colo. Rev. Stat. § 37-90-137. See Jaeger, 746 P.2d at 520, 523; see also Front Range Res., LLC, 415 P.3d at 811-12. See Tex. Water Code § 36.108. See Tex. Water Code § 36.0015. Colo. Rev. Stat. § 37-90-137. See Tex. Water Code § 36.116; see also Tex. Water Code 36.108. Colo. Rev. Stat. § 37-90-137; see Jaeger, 746 P.2d at 520, 523.
By Haley Zahratka April 25, 2026
I. INTRODUCTION The Utah Board of Water Resources (UBWR) proposed the Lake Powell Pipeline Project (LPP) to address increasing water demands in Washington County, Utah. The pipeline is projected to be approximately 141 miles long, diverting water from the Colorado River, beginning at Lake Powell near the Glen Canyon Dam and ending in Washington County, Utah. The pipeline diverts water from Utah’s Upper Basin allocation, but its ultimate use remains in the Lower Basin. The “Law of the River,” which governs the Colorado River, comprises of federal laws, court decisions and decrees, contracts, regulatory provisions, and interstate compacts. The guidelines for the Colorado River expired in 2025, and a new management plan must exist by the fall of 2026. The Upper and Lower Basin states must reach an agreement on how to allocate the Colorado River, or the federal government will step in. The Law of the River does not provide explicit guidelines on whether Upper Basin water can be used in the Lower Basin; however, textual interpretation, common law, concerns about precedent, and the existence of other alternatives indicate that other options should be explored before the LPP is constructed. This blog post discusses the details of the LPP, stakeholder positions on the LPP, the laws that govern the Colorado River, interpretations of the Compacts of 1922 and 1948, relevant case law, the policy implications of the LPP, and, lastly, potential resolutions. II. LAKE POWELL PIPELINE PROJECT The UBWR proposed constructing the LPP to transport water from the Lake Powell Reservoir by pipeline approximately 141 miles to Washington County, Utah, delivering up to 86,249 acre-feet of water. The LPP water is allocated to Utah but remains used in the Lower Basin within Utah. In 2006 the Utah State Legislature passed the Lake Powell Pipeline Development Act, which authorized the construction of the LPP. The US Bureau of Reclamation published a Draft Environmental Impact Statement (DEIS), recommending the Southern Alternative as the preferred alternative for the LPP. The DEIS states that this alternative would meet Washington County’s water needs by 2060, as it is economical, provides water security, complies with the Lake Powell Pipeline Development Act, and does not require tribal agreement. The permitting process for the project remains paused since 2020, due to resistance from surrounding states. The DEIS was published in June of 2020, and on September 8, 2020, in response, the Colorado River Basin states requested that a Final EIS not be approved until all seven states reached an agreement regarding the project. Nonprofit groups called for the pipeline’s removal from the permitting process on December 18, 2023, stating that the Colorado River does not have excess water for the pipeline and that this should not maintain priority over other Colorado River water right issues. III. STAKEHOLDER POSITIONS The LPP’s proponents argue that the pipeline is needed to diversify the water supply and provide a reliable water source for residents of Washington County. The county is projected to have a population increase of 155% by 2060, and receives over six million visitors, with seasonal residents owning 20% of the homes. Proponents argue that the pipeline will protect the environment by keeping water flowing through the Colorado River system, ensuring the health of the ecosystem. The pipeline alleges to promote the economy by keeping employers in the state and to prevent drought by providing additional water supplies and storage. The primary LPP proponents include state and federally elected officials, such as Senator Mike Lee, as well as many local industry and utility providers, community leaders, and municipalities. Various grassroots groups oppose the LPP . The Utah Rivers Council (URC) contends that the pipeline is unnecessary, expensive, and destructive. The URC states that Washington County consumes water at more than double the national average because of low water rates, and that population growth has been exaggerated. The URC alleges that the pipeline will cost at least 2.24 billion dollars of taxpayer money, which will increase water and property taxes. The URC states that this will disturb wildlife, spread invasive species, and reduce water flows in the Grand Canyon. If the Colorado River experiences only a 9% decline in flow, a 3.2 million acre feet (maf) water demand-supply imbalance will result. The Western Resource Advocates argue that the prepared DEIS does not account for projected increases in water efficiency, thereby inflating water demand. IV. BACKGROUND The Colorado River Compact of 1922 divided states into the Upper and Lower Basin. Colorado, Wyoming, Utah, and New Mexico make up the Upper Basin, while Arizona, Nevada, and California make up the Lower Basin. Upper Basin water is comprised of the parts of the Upper Basin states where water from the Colorado River drains above Lees Ferry. The same provision controls the Lower Basin, but for waters below Lees Ferry. The Colorado River Compact, however, is wrought with miscalculations. When the Compact was drafted, it was believed that there was between 17 and 20 maf of water to allocate and therefore allocated 7.5 maf to each basin. This calculation was made during a period of unusually high water flows, and therefore, allocates more water allocated than available. The Compact also requires the Upper Basin to ensure at least 7.5 maf are delivered annually to the Lower Basin. Additionally, the Upper and Lower Basins must each deliver half of the annual 1.5 maf requirement under the 1944 U.S.-Mexico treaty. The Upper Basin states have a legal obligation to deliver this water, and if they do not, they may be subject to a “Compact Call” requiring the Upper Basin to reduce its water use to satisfy that obligation. This would have serious implications for major cities in Upper Basin states, as many possess water rights that are junior to the Compact.  The Upper Colorado River Basin Compact of 1948 allocates water among the upper-basin states. After deducting the obligations required to comply with the 1922 Compact, Colorado is allocated 51.75%, Utah 23%, Wyoming 14%, and New Mexico 11.25%. The Compact of 1948 provides that if there is a Compact Call, water rights senior to November 24, 1922, are not subject to the call. The Colorado River Storage Project Act (CRPSA) came afterward to provide a stable system that allowed the Upper Basin states to make full use of their allocated water. The enactment of the CRPSA led to the authorization of the Flaming Gorge Dam and Reservoir, the Glen Canyon Dam, and Lake Powell. Lake Powell is the primary means of sending water to the Lower Basin. Beginning in 2000, the Colorado River system began to face drought concerns. This led to the 2007 Interim Guidelines, but with these guidelines expiring soon, new management guidelines are crucial. V. COMPACT INTERPRETATION The LPP raises the question of whether water from Utah’s Upper Basin can be used in St. George, Utah, in the Lower Basin. The Colorado River Compact of 1922 defines the Upper Basin as the portions of Arizona, Colorado, New Mexico, Utah, and Wyoming whose waters naturally flow into the Colorado River system. In Article VIII, it states, “[a]ll other rights to beneficial use of waters of the Colorado River System shall be satisfied solely from the water apportioned to that Basin in which they are situate.” This language seems to imply that water allocated to a basin must be used in that basin. However, the Compact of 1948 allocated 23% of Upper Basin consumptive water use generally to the State of Utah, not just the part of the state that is part of the Upper Basin. Additionally, the 1948 Compact subjected to the terms of the 1922 Compact, designates Upper Basin water based on drainage into the Colorado River, and no specific provision governs transbasin use in either Compact Agreement. Therefore, neither the 1922 nor the 1948 Compact provide explicit clarity on whether the use of Upper Basin water in the Lower Basin is permitted. VI. CASE LAW ANALYSIS Equitable apportionment, a federal common law doctrine, governs disputes between states as it pertains to their rights to interstate streams. The doctrine prevents states from forcing other states to follow the same water law system. Equitable apportionment aims to create a just allocation by considering many factors. The prior appropriation system primarily guides allocation, but physical conditions, climate, rate of return flow, consumptive use, storage water availability, and downstream or upstream impacts are all considered relevant. As states face the question of moving Upper Basin water for use in the Lower Basin, looking to a balancing test such as equitable apportionment offers a case-by-case analysis approach that is essential to an area of law as complex as the Law of the River. When applying this test to the LPP, the lack of storage water and the impact this would have on Lower Basin users weigh heavily against the construction of the LPP. Further, in Arizona v. California, the Supreme Court held that the Secretary of the Interior had broad powers to manage the Colorado River in the Lower Basin. The Secretary was not required to follow prior appropriation laws when allocating water. If the states of the Upper and Lower Basin are unable to come to a comprehensive interstate compact before the current guidelines expire, the LPP could also be subject to being decided by the Court and implemented by the Secretary, rather than being left up to the states to decide. VII. POLICY IMPLICATIONS If the LPP project receives a permit, it may set a precedent for other Upper Basin states to take similar actions, especially since the 1922 and 1948 Compacts do not explicitly bar interbasin transfers. If the LPP uses Utah’s allocated Upper Basin water for use in the Lower Basin, other Upper Basin states that do not utilize their full allocation may also attempt to take advantage of this “loophole.” However, Lake Powell continues to face lowered water level concerns. By December 2026, the water level may drop to a level at which hydropower cannot be generated. If Upper Basin states become more concerned with ensuring they receive what they are allocated, rather than focusing on renegotiating a water compact that addresses shortages, we will face an even more severe crisis in the coming years. VIII. POTENTIAL RESOLUTIONS The LPP is not the only solution to address concerns regarding access to water. Washington County could restructure its tax system to prevent water waste. The Washington County Water District (WCWD) collects enough money from property taxes that it enables the County to provide lower water rates. Washington County’s per-person water use is among the highest in the U.S., likely due to inexpensive water. WCWD could eliminate these property taxes, a tax most water districts do not collect in the West. This would benefit taxpayers and discourage water waste. Washington County could also install water meters, which could curtail secondary water use, just by showing users how much water they use. Secondary water users pay only an annual fee and therefore have no idea how much water they use, with some secondary water users overwatering by more than 100 percent. Resolutions such as these should be explored before removing water from Lake Powell. IX. CONCLUSION The LPP confronts an area of uncertainty regarding the 1922 and 1948 Compacts. When examining the language of these Compacts, nothing explicitly prevents the LPP from using Upper Basin water for Lower Basin use. However, the doctrine of Equitable Apportionment seems to indicate that if the LPP were to be litigated, it would not be found to be a reasonable measure, given the lack of water availability and the potential policy implications. Therefore, I advocate taking alternative approaches, such as restructuring Washington County’s tax structure or installing meters before constructing the proposed 141 mile pipeline. SOURCES U.S. Bureau of Reclamation, Lake Powell Pipeline Project Draft Environmental Impact Statement (2020). 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